Friday, 31 May 2013

Adjournment Speech - Broadband not Fraudband

Mr RUDD»(Griffith) (21:33): I was entertained then by the member for Bonner's presentation on broadband in his electorate for the simple reason that between 1996 and 2007 the previous Howard government had 16 separate plans on broadband and did not one jot of work in all of metropolitan Brisbane. Secondly, he talked about a 10 per cent rollout in his electorate—that is 10 per cent more than would be delivered under the coalition's so-called broadband plan. I think the member for Bonner had better look long and hard at the precise implications of the policy enunciated by the very articulate member for Wentworth.
For my own electorate on Brisbane's southside broadband is indeed important. Everywhere I go to mobile offices in the electorate this is the one thing which comes up constantly. People running small businesses from home are demanding more speed, more reliable speed, because that is the part of the future. It will also improve telecommuting, telemedicine and digital education, as well as our ability to run businesses from home. It is universal across our community. In a recent community survey, 89 per cent of respondents felt that their household would benefit from faster, more reliable broadband. And 87 per cent of respondents felt that their fibre connection should be provided direct to all households.
I have not seen any similar surveys from the Liberal and National parties on their broadband policy. Perhaps a survey which the member for Bonner and Mr Abbott's hand-picked candidate in the electorate of Griffith could roll out these questions: (1) Do you support the Liberal and National parties' policy of slower internet connections? (2) Do you support the Liberal and National parties' policy of making you pay up to $5,000 to have fibre connected to your home? (3) Do you support the Liberal and National parties' policy of spending three quarters of the money of the government's National Broadband Network program for one quarter of the speed? (4) As people say in my own district, why on earth would the Liberal and National parties' policy allow people on Brisbane's southside to be last in line for any form of internet upgrade? If you ask the Leader of the Opposition, the alternative prime minister of the country, my good friend the member for Bonner and Mr Abbott's hand-picked candidate in the federal electorate of Griffith, Dr Glasson—their answers to these four questions on the Liberal and National parties' survey would be: 'Yes, yes, yes and yes. We want slower internet connections. We want everyone to pay $5,000 to have it connected to their home.'
If you happen to live in suburbs like Coorparoo, full of high-rise developments, there is this bizarre policy of wanting 75 per cent of all the occupants of the high-rise to reach an agreement through the body corporate before the connection occurs. When I explain that to the good burghers of Coorparoo and those elsewhere in my electorate, they think your policy is stark, raving mad.
The opposition's policy has been described as 'the opposition's NBN', the 'Liberal and National parties' broadband'. It is not broadband; it is 'fraudband'—#fraudband. It is not just a Twitter hashtag; 'fraudband' is a clinical description of the opposition's policy. The National Broadband Network Company, NBN Co., has recently updated its three-year plan for the period 2013-16, which will involve fibre construction starting progressively to 30 June 2016 to all homes, businesses, schools and hospitals in the federal division of Griffith.
I am very happy to advise the House that, by June 2016, NBN Co. will have commenced or completed construction or connection of 77,300 homes and businesses on the southside to the National Broadband Network. Nationally, there will be some six million premises connected. I am here with my good friend the member for Bass. There is a rollout occurring in his electorate as well. It is actually revolutionising the way in which people do business. It is also important for the schools in my electorate. Some 7,365 computers have been provided to southside schools, thanks to the Australian government's program of putting computers into high schools. All these will now be connected to the National Broadband Network, but under 'fraudband' there will be no possibility of connection whatsoever. Consider what will happen with our local hospitals—for example, the Mater Hospital and the PA Hospital? What is their ability through the local Medicare Locals, as well as local GPs, to put electronic health records across the country, across the state if people get sick? If you are not connected to high-speed broadband you cannot actually do that.

For those opposite, whether it be the member for Ryan, the absent member for Brisbane or the member for Bonner, to stand up in this parliament on behalf of any resident of the city of Brisbane and say, convincingly, that 'fraudband' represents a viable outcome for their constituents is fraudulent in itself. We stand for a high-speed broadband, a broadband with sufficient bandwidth to make a real difference to people's future. (Time expired)

Wednesday, 29 May 2013


Martin Ferguson is unique.
An honours graduate in economics from Sydney University, one of the lions of the Australian labour movement, the most respected resources and energy minister in Australian history, someone who always knows his stuff and one of the world's genuinely good human beings.

In public life, you do well to possess a couple of these virtues. In Martin's case he covers the field.

And what always shines through are his fundamental Labor values of a fair go for all, by growing an economy through creative enterprise, enabling working people to get a decent job, and providing a helping hand to those who needed it.

Martin did not just talk about these things.

Martin went about doing these things.

And his enduring legacy will be his role in the restructuring of the Australia economy - the cornerstone of our 21 successive years of economic and employment growth.

At a personal level I believe Martin Ferguson was one of the most outstanding ministers of the Rudd government.

I regard it as a privilege to have Martin not only a colleague from the past, but also a friend for the future. 

Monday, 20 May 2013

Church and State are able to have different positions on same sex marriage.

I have come to the conclusion that church and state can have different positions and practices on the question of same sex marriage. I believe the secular Australian state should be able to recognise same sex marriage. I also believe that this change should legally exempt religious institutions from any requirement to change their historic position and practice that marriage is exclusively between a man and a woman. For me, this change in position has come about as a result of a lot of reflection, over a long period of time, including conversations with good people grappling with deep questions of life, sexuality and faith.

One Saturday morning in Canberra, some weeks ago, a former political staffer asked to have a coffee. This bloke, who shall remain nameless, is one of those rare finds among political staffers who combines intelligence, integrity, a prodigious work ethic, and, importantly, an unfailing sense of humour in the various positions he has worked in around Parliament House. Necessary in contemporary politics, otherwise you simply go stark raving mad.

And like myself, this bloke is a bit of a god-botherer (aka Christian). Although a little unlike myself, he is more of a capital G God-Botherer. In fact, he's long been active in his local Pentecostal Church.

Over coffee, and after the mandatory depressing discussion about the state of politics, he tells me that he's gay, he's told his pastor (who he says is pretty cool with it all, although the same cannot be said of the rest of the church leadership team) and he then tells me that one day he'd like to get married to another bloke. And by the way, "had my views on same sex marriage changed?”.

As most folks know, in our family I have long been regarded as the last of the Mohicans on this one. The kids have long thought I'm an unreconstructed dinosaur for not supporting marriage equality legislation. And Thérèse just looks at me with that slightly weary, slightly exasperated, slightly pitying "there, there darling, you'll get over it one day" sort of look, that wives can be particularly good at giving to their antediluvian husbands.

Very few things surprise me in life and politics anymore. But I must confess the Pentecostal staffer guy threw me a bit. And so the re-think began, once again taking me back to first principles. First, given that I profess to be a Christian (albeit not a particularly virtuous one) and given that this belief informs a number of my basic views; and given that I am given a conscience vote on these issues; then what constitutes for me a credible Christian view of same sex marriage, and is such a view amenable to change? Second, irrespective of what that view might be, do such views have a proper place in a secular state, in a secular definition of marriage, or in a country where the census tells us that while 70% of the population profess a religious belief, some 70% of marriages no longer occur in religious institutions, Christian or otherwise.

The Christian tradition since Aquinas is one based on a combination of faith informed by reason. If the latter is diminished, then we are reduced to varying forms of theocratic terrorisms where the stoning of heretics and the burning of witches would still be commonplace. In fact if we were today to adhere to a literalist rendition of the Christian scriptures, the 21st century would be a deeply troubling place, and the list of legitimized social oppressions would be disturbingly long.

Slavery would still be regarded as normal as political constituencies around the world, like the pre-civil war American South, continued to invoke the New Testament injunction that "slaves be obedient to your masters" as their justification. Not to mention the derivative political theologies that provided ready justifications for bans on inter-racial marriage and, in very recent times, the ethical obscenity that was racial segregation and apartheid.

Similarly with the status of women. Supporters of polygamy would be able to justify their position based on biblical precedent. Advocates of equality would also have difficulty with Paul's injunction that "wives should be submissive to their husbands" (As a good Anglican, Thérèse has never been a particularly big rap for Saint Paul on this one). The Bible also teaches us that people should be stoned to death for adultery (which would lead to a veritable boom in the quarrying industry were that still the practice today). The same for homosexuals. And the biblical conditions for divorce are so strict that a woman could be beaten within an inch of her life and still not be allowed to legally separate. 

The point is that nobody in the mainstream Christian Church today would argue any of these propositions. A hundred years ago, that was not necessarily the case. In other words, the definition of Christian ethics is subject to change, based on analysis of the historical context into which the biblical writers were speaking at the time, and separating historical context from timeless moral principles, such as the injunction to “love your neighbour as yourself”.

Against this particular Christian norm, and its secular moral corollary of "do no harm", and, in particular, "do no harm to others, especially the vulnerable", we have seen a range of social reforms over the decades where traditional, literalist biblical teachings have been turned on their head, often with the support of the churches. Including relatively recent legislative actions by Australian legislatures to decriminalize homosexuality. And much more recently, under my Prime Ministership, action to remove all legal discriminations against same sex couples in national statutes including in inheritance, taxation, superannuation, veterans affairs, family law, defence housing, Centrelink, child support, health insurance, citizenship and aged care.

Which brings us back to same sex marriage. I for one have never accepted the argument from some Christians that homosexuality is an abnormality. People do not choose to be gay. The near universal findings of biological and psychological research for most of the post war period is that irrespective of race, religion or culture, a certain proportion of the community is born gay, whether they like it or not. Given this relatively uncontested scientific fact, then the following question that arises is should our brothers and sisters who happen to be gay be fully embraced as full members of our wider society? The answer to that is unequivocally yes, given that the suppression of a person's sexuality inevitably creates far greater social and behavioural abnormalities, as opposed to its free and lawful expression. 

Which brings us to what for some time has been the sole remaining obstacle in my mind on same sex marriage - namely any unforeseen consequences for children who would be brought up by parents in a same sex married relationship, as against those brought up by parents in married or de-facto heterosexual relationships, by single parents, or by adoptive or foster parents, or other legally recognised parent or guardian relationships. The care, nurture and protection of children in loving relationships must be our fundamental concern. And this question cannot be clinically detached from questions of marriage – same sex or opposite sex. The truth is that in modern Australia approximately 43 per cent of marriages end in divorce, 27 per cent of Australian children are raised in one parent, blended or step-family situations, and in 2011-12 nearly 50,000 cases of child abuse were substantiated by the authorities of more than 250,000 notifications registered. In other words, we have a few problems out there.

That does not mean, by some automatic corollary, that children raised in same sex relationships are destined to experience some sort of nirvana by comparison. But scientific surveys offer important indications. One of the most comprehensive surveys of children raised in same sex relationships is the US National Longitudinal Survey conducted since 1986 – 1992 (and still ongoing) on adolescents raised by same sex partners. This survey, published in the Journal of the American Academy of Paediatrics in 2010, concluded that there were no Child Behaviour Checklist differences for these kids as against the rest of the country. There are a number of other research projects with similar conclusions as well. In fact 30 years of research has seen the Australian Medical Association, the American Medical Association, the American Academy of Paediatrics and the American Psychological Association acknowledge that same sex families do not compromise children’s development.

Furthermore, there is the reality of a growing number of Australian children being raised in same sex relationships. Either as a result of previous opposite-sex relationships, or through existing state and territory laws making assisted reproduction, surrogacy, adoption and fostering legally possible for same sex couples or individuals in the majority of Australian states and territories. Furthermore, Commonwealth legislation has already recognised the legal rights of children being brought up in such relationships under the terms of Australian family law. Therefore, the question arises that given the state has already recognised and facilitated children being raised in same sex relationships, why do we not afford such relationships the potential emotional and practical stability offered by the possibility of civil marriage? 

Finally, as someone who was raised for the most important part of his childhood by a single mum, I don’t buy the argument that I was somehow developmentally challenged because I didn’t happen to have a father. The loving nurture of children is a more complex business than that.

So where does this leave us in relation to the recent and prospective debates before the Australian Parliament? Many Christians will disagree with the reasoning I have put forward as the basis for changing my position on the secular state having a broader definition of marriage than the church. I respect their views as those of good and considered conscience. I trust they respect mine as being of the same. In my case, they are the product of extensive reflection on Christian teaching, the scientific data and the emerging reality in our communities where a growing number of same sex couples are now asking for marriage equality in order to give public pledge to their private love and for each other, and to provide the sort of long-term relationship commitment that marriage can provide for the emotional stability important for the proper nurture of children.

Further, under no circumstances should marriage equality legislation place any legal requirement on the church or other religious institutions to conduct same sex marriages. The churches should be explicitly exempt. If we truly believe in a separation of church and state, then the church must be absolutely free to conduct marriage ceremonies between a man and a woman only, given the nature of their current established theological and doctrinal positions on the matter. This should be exclusively a matter for the church, the mosque and the synagogue. It is, however, a different matter for a secular state. The Church must be free to perform marriages for Christian heterosexual couples without any threat of interference from the state. Just as the state should be free to perform marriage services for both heterosexual and same sex couples, and whether these couples are of a religious faith or no religious faith.

These issues properly remain matters of conscience for all members of the Parliament. Labor provides a conscience vote. The Liberals and the Nationals do not. They should. If they don't, then we should consider a national referendum at an appropriate time, and which would also have the added advantage of bringing the Australian community along with us on an important social reform for the nation. And for the guys and girls, like the former staffer who came to see me recently in a state of genuine distress, we may just be able to provide a more dignified and non-discriminatory future for all.

Some will ask why I am saying all this now. For me, this issue has been a difficult personal journey, as I have read much, and talked now with many people, and of late for the first time in a long time I have had the time to do both. I have long resisted going with the growing tide of public opinion just for the sake of it. Those who know me well know that I have tried in good conscience to deal with the ethical fundamentals of the issue and reach an ethical conclusion. My opponents both within and beyond the Labor Party, will read all sorts of political significances into this. That's a matter for them. There is no such thing as perfect timing to go public on issues such as this.

For the record, I will not be taking any leadership role on this issue nationally. My core interest is to be clear-cut about the change in my position locally on this highly controversial issue before the next election, so that my constituents are fully aware of my position when they next visit the ballot box. That, I believe, is the right thing to do.

Sunday, 19 May 2013

Speech to Parliament - Southside School Sell Offs

Adjournment Speech
Australian Parliament House, Canberra
16 May, 2013

I rise today to inform the Parliament of the Liberal National Party’s plans to privatise a number of school playing fields on Brisbane’s Southside.

Unilaterally, the Liberal National Party government has announced that playing fields at Balmoral State High and Whites Hill College will be sold off.

Not a word of consultation with the local P&Cs who in previous decades help build these playing fields from scratch.

Speaking up for Southside Schools

Not a word of consultation with the local community whose local cricket and football clubs use these fields.

Not a word of consultation with the other local primary schools across Brisbane’s Southside who also use these playing fields for their kids because in the inner southern suburbs, there aren’t enough playing fields for the thousands of kids who need it.

And Madame Deputy Speaker
- Not only no consultation but
- No mandate from the people to flog off these playing fields at all
- At no time prior to the last election did the Liberal National Party tell Brisbane Southside residents that they planned to privatise school playing fields

Madame Deputy Speaker, not only is there
- No mandate
- Not only is there no consultation
- There is no logic to this decision

We all know when city school populations go up and down
- Local primary schools had small populations 15 years ago
- Now they are bursting at the seams
- Without adequate playing fields

Once they are flogged off, no future government will ever be able to buy new playing fields in these suburbs because the real estate nearly 8 hectares (7.55) is just too expensive.

Its utter madness on Brisbane’s Southside to be flogging off scarce green space given community demand, and rising local populations occurring through urban consolidation – these fields are part of the lungs of the city.

What about child obesity (and obesity in general) and the capacity for everyone to be engaged in sporting activity – or just walking the dog.

Madame Deputy Speaker, this decision lacks logic on all accounts.

So far more than 2000 people have expressed their opposition to this heartless decision by signing my petition calling on the LNP Government to reverse this short sighted approach.

As Bruce, one of the petitioners said, “I teach in a local Catholic school. On a number of occasions we have had the pleasure of using the Balmoral High School Oval for our sports days. It is a great community asset used by many outside the school. For this reason I believe it needs to be protected.”

So while Brisbane’s Southside community are up in arms about this, what’s been the response from the Liberal-National Party?

One P&C wrote to the LNP Member for Greenslopes, what was his response? Sorry, you’ve got too much land. That’s it.

Well, what about the newly elected Member for Bulimba, you would think he would be more sympathetic.

Don’t bet on it.

Mr Dillaway has told the Balmoral P & C that he fully supports the sale.

Mr Dillaway then tried to convince the P&C that this had nothing to do with the government.

It was an independent decision of the bureaucracy.
Well I’d say this to the LNP:

Local people are not easily fooled.

Anyone with half a brain knows that school playing fields don’t get sold without the tick off from the Minister.

The Courier Mail recently reported that Mr Dillaway is one of many in the LNP Party room who are staunch advocates for asset sales.

In fact the Member for Bulimba believes the LNP hasn’t gone far enough in Queensland.

The LNP are treating Brisbane’s Southside with absolute contempt – they seem to think it’s their land, not the community’s.

Then there’s the Federal LNP candidate Mr Glasson. What’s his position?

The sounds of silence.

Mr Speaker, I love my local community.

I’ve lived here for 25 years.

I love its schools.

The great work they do with our local kids.

And I am angered beyond description by appallingly short-sighted decisions by a LNP (state and federal) deeply wedded to their ideological agenda of privatising everything they can.

Well I have news for the LNP. Together with the local community we will fight these decisions – with one objective; to get them overturned and to keep these playing fields for future generations.